第七章 “代表全人类行事”:美国及其秩序观
- “Speech on Conciliation with America” (1775), in Edmund Burke,On Empire, Liberty, and Reform: Speeches
and Letters, ed. David Bromwich (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2000), 81–83. 伯克同情美国独立战争,因为他认为这是英国式自由的自然演进。他反对法国大革命,他认为这场革命破坏了几代人努力的成果,也破坏了自然发展的前景。
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Alexis de Tocqueville, “Concerning Their Point of Departure,” inDemocracy in America, trans. George Lawrence (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 46–47.
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Paul Leicester Ford, ed.,The Writings of Thomas Jefferson(New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1892–99), 8:158–59, quoted in Robert W. Tucker and David C. Hendrickson,Empire of Liberty: The Statecraft of Thomas Jefferson (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), 11.
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Jefferson to Monroe, October 24, 1823, as excerpted in “Continental Policy of the United States: The Acquisition of Cuba,”United States Magazine and Democratic Review,April 1859, 23.
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Jefferson to Madison, April 27, 1809, in ibid.
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对来自英格兰和北欧的移居者来说,在很大程度上是这种情况;而来自西班牙的人则把它主要看作有待开发的领土,居住在那里的土著人将转而皈依基督教。
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John Winthrop, “A Model of Christian Charity” (1630). See Brendan Simms, Europe, 36.
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Publius [Alexander Hamilton], The Federalist 1, in Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers (New York: Mentor, 1961), 1–2. 这里的“帝国”是指拥有完全主权的独立实体。
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John O’Sullivan, “Annexation,”United States Magazine and Democratic Review,July–August 1845, 5.
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John Quincy Adams, “An Address Delivered at the Request of the Committee of Citizens of Washington, 4 July 1821” (Washington, D.C.: Davis and Force, 1821), 28–29.
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Ibid.
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“从东往西迁移”从理论上讲,是指世界统治权的转移,即最高政治权力宝座的时空变化:从巴比伦和波斯到希腊,到罗马,到法国或德国,再到英国和(摩尔斯设想的)美国。乔治·伯克莱(George Berkeley)在“关于美洲艺术和学识前景的诗歌”中就有如下著名的诗句:
帝国走向西行之路;
前四节已经落幕,
第五节是大戏的终点,
最后往往是关键一步。
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Jedidiah Morse,The American Geography; or, A View of the Present Situation of the United States of America,2nd ed. (London: John Stockdale, 1792), 468–69, as excerpted inManifest Destiny and American Territorial Expansion: A Brief History with Documents, ed. Amy S. Greenberg (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2012),
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John O’Sullivan, “The Great Nation of Futurity,”United States Magazine and Democratic Review, November 1839, 426–27.
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O’Sullivan, “Annexation,” 9–10.
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See Amanda Foreman,A World on Fire: Britain’s Crucial Role in the American Civil War(New York:Random House, 2011); Howard Jones,Blue and Gray Diplomacy: A History of Union and Confederate Foreign Relations (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009).
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Foreman, World on Fire, 784. 美国武装部队人员从南北战争结束时的1 034 064人下降到 18个月后的正规军 54 302人、志愿军11 000人。
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Fareed Zakaria,From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America’s World Role (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1998), 47.
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Grover Cleveland, First Inaugural Address, March 4, 1885, inThe Public Papers of Grover Cleveland (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1889), 8.
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Thomas G. Paterson, J. Garry Clifford, and Kenneth J. Hagan,American Foreign Policy: A History (Lexington, Mass.: D. C. Heath, 1977), 189.
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Theodore Roosevelt, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1905, inUnited States Congressional Serial Set 484 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1905), 559.
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Theodore Roosevelt, “International Peace,” Nobel lecture, May 5, 1910, inPeace: 1901–1925: Nobel Lectures (Singapore: World Scientific Publishing Co., 1999), 106.
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Roosevelt’s statement to Congress, 1902, quoted in John Morton Blum,The Republican Roosevelt (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 137.
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Roosevelt to Spring Rice, December 21, 1907, inThe Selected Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, ed. H. W. Brands (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001), 465.
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Theodore Roosevelt, review ofThe Influence of Sea Power upon History, by Alfred Thayer Mahan,Atlantic Monthly, October 1890.
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Theodore Roosevelt, “The Strenuous Life,” in The Strenuous Life: Essays and Addresses (New York: Century, 1905), 9.
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当德国和英国战舰1902年向长期负债累累的委内瑞拉行进,准备强制收回一笔早就逾期的贷款时,罗斯福要求两国保证不得以追债方式寻求领土和政治扩张。但德国代表只承诺放弃“永久性”占有领土(留下了建立期限99年的租界的可能,如英国在埃及以及英国、德国在中国所做的那样),罗斯福于是威胁发动战争。他随即派一支美国舰队挥师南下,并把委内瑞拉海港的地图发放给媒体。这一策略奏效了。罗斯福保持沉默,好让威廉皇帝保全面子,退出这场危机。这个时候,德意志帝国在委内瑞拉的野心遭到了决定性重创。See Edmund Morris, Theodore Rex (New York: Random House, 2001), 176–82.
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Theodore Roosevelt’s Annual Message to Congress for 1904, HR 58A-K2, Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, RG 233, Center for Legislative Archives, National Archives.
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Ibid.
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为展示美国的力量,罗斯福本人亲自前往视察运河区建设工程,这是美国在任总统第一次离开美国本土。
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Morris,Theodore Rex, 389.
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Ibid., 397.
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Roosevelt’s statement to Congress, 1904, quoted in Blum,Republican Roosevelt, 134.
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Morris,Theodore Rex, 495.
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Letter to Kermit Roosevelt, April 19, 1908, in Brands,Selected Letters, 482–83.
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Roosevelt to Admiral Charles S. Sperry, March 21, 1908, in ibid., 479.
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Roosevelt to Hugo Munsterberg, October 3, 1914, in ibid., 823.
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See James R. Holmes,Theodore Roosevelt and World Order: Police Power in International Relations(Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2007), 10–13, 68–74.
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Roosevelt, “International Peace,” 103.
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Roosevelt to Carnegie, August 6, 1906, in Brands,Selected Letters, 423.
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Woodrow Wilson, Commencement Address at the U.S. Military Academy at West Point (June 13, 1916), inPapers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Arthur S. Link (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1982), 37:212.
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Woodrow, Wilson, Address to a Joint Session of Congress on the Conditions of Peace (January 8, 1918) (“Fourteen Points”), as quoted in A. Scott Berg,Wilson (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 2013), 471.
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总体而言,美国先后与玻利维亚、巴西、智利、中国、哥斯达黎加、丹麦、厄瓜多尔、法国、英国、危地马拉、洪都拉斯、意大利、挪威、巴拉圭、秘鲁、葡萄牙、俄国和西班牙签订了这种仲裁协定。它还开始与瑞典、乌拉圭、阿根廷、多米尼加、希腊、荷兰、尼加拉瓜、巴拿马、波斯(即现在的伊朗)、萨尔瓦多、瑞士和委内瑞拉开始签约谈判。Treaties forthe Advancement of Peace Between the United States and Other Powers Negotiated by the Honorable William J. Bryan, Secretary of State of the United States, with an Introduction by James Brown Scott (New York: Oxford University Press, 1920).
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Woodrow Wilson, Message to Congress, April 2, 1917, inU.S. Presidents and Foreign Policy from 1789 to the Present, ed. Carl C. Hodge and Cathal J. Nolan (Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO, 2007), 396.
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“Peace Without Victory,” January 22, 1917, in supplement toAmerican Journal of International Law 11 (1917): 323.
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Wilson, Message to Congress, April 2, 1917, inPresident Wilson’s Great Speeches, and Other History, Making Documents (Chicago: Stanton and Van Vliet, 1917), 17–18.
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Woodrow Wilson, Fifth Annual Message, December 4, 1917, inUnited States Congressional Serial Set 7443 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1917), 41.
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Woodrow Wilson, “An Address at Mount Vernon,” July 4, 1918, in Link,Papers, 48:516.
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Wilson, Message to Congress, April 2, 1917,President Wilson’s Great Speeches, 18.
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Wilson, Fifth Annual Message, December 4, 1917, in The Foreign Policy of President Woodrow Wilson: Messages, Addresses and Papers,ed. James Brown Scott (New York: Oxford University Press, 1918), 306.
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Ibid. See also Berg, Wilson, 472–73.
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Woodrow Wilson, Remarks at Suresnes Cemetery on Memorial Day, May 30, 1919, in Link,Papers, 59:608–9.
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Lloyd George, Wilson memorandum, March 25, 1919, in Ray Stannard Baker, ed.,Woodrow Wilson and World Settlement (New York: Doubleday, Page, 1922), 2:450. For a conference participant’s account of the sometimes less than idealistic process by which the new national borders were drawn, see Harold Nicolson,Peacemaking, 1919 (1933; London: Faber & Faber, 2009). For a contemporary analysis, see Margaret MacMillan,Paris 1919: Six Months That Changed the World(New York: Random House, 2002).
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Address, January 22, 1917, in Link,Papers, 40:536–37.
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Wilson, Message to Congress, April 2, 1917,President Wilson’s Great Speeches, 18.
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Wilson, Address to a Joint Session of Congress on the Conditions of Peace (January 8, 1918) (“Fourteen Points”), inPresident Wilson’s Great Speeches, 18. See also Berg, Wilson, 469–72.
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一般情况下,在主要大国力量没有直接卷入的地区,当它们都认为有必要监控有关国家之间协议的落实情况时,联合国提供了有益的维和机制。联合国比国联强得多,履行了许多重要职能:为处于困难中的外交接触提供论坛,完成了几次重大的维和行动,推出了许多人道主义举措。这些国际机制未能做到也不可能完成的是:当大国有分歧的时候,它们无法参与判断哪一项具体行为构成了侵略,无法决定采取什么方式抵制侵略。
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“Differences Between the North Atlantic Treaty and Traditional Military Alliances,” appendix to the testimony of Ambassador Warren Austin, April 28, 1949, in U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations,The North Atlantic Treaty, hearings, 81st Cong., 1st sess. (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1949), pt. I.
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Roosevelt to James Bryce, November 19, 1918, inThe Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, ed. Elting E. Morrison (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954), 8:1400.
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为了镇压对意大利殖民扩张的抵抗,1935年,墨索里尼下令意大利军队入侵了今天的埃塞俄比亚。尽管国际上齐声谴责,国联也没有采取集体安全措施。通过不加区分地轰炸和使用毒气,意大利占领了阿比西尼亚。这个新生的国际共同体既没有有效地应对日本帝国入侵中国东北地区,也没有对这次意大利的侵略采取行动,导致国联名存实亡。
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美国与他国达成的规定放弃战争作为国家政策的条约,1928年8月27日于巴黎签署,1929年1月16日参议院建议批准,1929年1月17日由总统批准。批准书于1929年3月2日分别存放于美国(华盛顿)、澳大利亚、加拿大自治领、捷克斯洛伐克、德国、英国、印度、爱尔兰自由邦、意大利、新西兰和南非联邦,1929年3月26日存放于波兰,1929年3月27日存放于比利时,1929年4月22日存放于法国,1929年7月24日存放于日本,1929年7月24日宣布生效。
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See Peter Clarke,The Last Thousand Days of the British Empire: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the Birth of the Pax Americana(New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009).
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Radio Address at Dinner of Foreign Policy Association, New York, October 21, 1944, inPresidential Profiles: The FDR Yearsed. William D. Peterson (New York: Facts on File, 2006), 429.
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Fourth Inaugural Address, January 20, 1945, inMy Fellow Americans: Presidential Inaugural Addresses from George Washington to Barack Obama(St. Petersburg, Fla.: Red and Black Publishers, 2009).
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William C. Bullitt, “How We Won the War and Lost the Peace,”Life, August 30, 1948, as quoted in Arnold Beichman, “Roosevelt’s Failure at Yalta,”Humanitas 16, no. 1 (2003): 104.
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罗斯福一抵达德黑兰,斯大林就宣称苏联情报部门发现了纳粹的阴谋,企图在峰会上一起暗杀丘吉尔、罗斯福和斯大林,代号“远跳”。美国代表团成员对苏联的报告深表怀疑。 Keith Eubank, Summit at Teheran: The Untold Story (New York: William Morrow, 1985), 188–96.
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As quoted in T. A. Taracouzio,War and Peace in Soviet Diplomacy (New York: Macmillan, 1940), 139–40.
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Charles Bohlen,Witness to History, 1929–1969 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1973), 211. See also Beichman, “Roosevelt’s Failure at Yalta,” 210–11.
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Conrad Black, Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom (New York: PublicAffairs, 2003). 虽然我倾向于布莱克的解释,但罗斯福也可以称得上是“斯芬克斯”,不会给出明确的答案。温斯顿·丘吉尔概括起来比较容易。战争期间,他曾若有所思地说,如果他能每周在克里姆林宫吃一顿饭,一切都会好起来的。随着“二战”接近结束,他命令参谋长准备与苏联开战。