第八章 美国：心情矛盾的超级大国

字数:698

  1. “二战”后第一位总统杜鲁门解释道，“美国的外交政策坚定地建立在公平正义的原则之上”，“我们一定要努力把这一黄金原则应用到这个世界的国际事务中去”。艾森豪威尔曾是一位坚强的士兵，作为总统，他几乎用同样的话语来表达目标：“我们希望和平……在国家生活中扎根。必须有正义，所有人民都能感受和分享……必须有法律，所有国家都援用和尊重它。”因此，正如杰拉尔德·福特在1974年国会联席会议上所说：“成功的外交政策，是把全体美国人民的希望向外延伸，追求一个有序和平、有序改良和有序自由的世界。”Harry S. Truman, Address on Foreign Policy at the Navy Day Celebration in New York City, October 27, 1945; Dwight D. Eisenhower, Second Inaugural Address (“The Price of Peace”), January 21, 1957, in Public Papers of the Presidents: Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1957–1961, 62–63. Gerald Ford, Address to a Joint Session of Congress, August 12, 1974, in Public Papers of the Presidents: Gerald R. Ford (1974–1977), 6.

  2. Lyndon B. Johnson, Address to the United Nations General Assembly, December 17, 1963.

  3. For an eloquent exposition, see Robert Kagan,The World America Made (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2012).

  4. Milovan Djilas,Conversations with Stalin, trans. Michael B. Petrovich (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1962), 114.

  5. Kennan to Charles Bohlen, January 26, 1945, as quoted in John Lewis Gaddis,George Kennan: An American Life (New York: Penguin Books, 2011), 188.

  6. Bohlen,Witness to History, 176.

  7. 美国大使馆当时暂时没有大使。W·埃夫里尔·哈里曼已经离任，而沃尔特·比德尔·史密斯尚未赴任。

  8. “X” [George F. Kennan], “The Sources of Soviet Conduct,”Foreign Affairs 25, no. 4 (July 1947).

  9. Ibid.

  10. Robert Rhodes James, ed.,Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897–1963(New York: Chelsea House, 1974), 7:7710.

  11. A Report to the National Security Council by the Executive Secretary on United States Objectives and Programs for National Security, NSC-68 (April 14, 1950), 7.

  12. John Foster Dulles, “Foundations of Peace” (address to the Veterans of Foreign Wars, New York, August 18, 1958).

  13. George H. W. Bush faced a similar issue after Saddam Hussein’s forces had been expelled from Kuwait in 1991.

  14. Shen Zhihua,Mao, Stalin, and the Korean War: Trilateral Communist Relations in the 1950s, trans. Neil Silver (London: Routledge, 2012), 140.

  15. Chen Jian,China’s Road to the Korean War: The Making of the Sino-American Confrontation (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 149–50. On the Chinese leadership’s analysis of the war and its regional implications, see also Sergei N. Goncharov, John W. Lewis, and Xue Litai,Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao, and the Korean War (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1993); Henry Kissinger,On China (New York: Penguin Press, 2011), chap. 5; Shen,Mao, Stalin, and the Korean War;and Shu Guang Zhang,Mao’s Military Romanticism: China and the Korean War, 1950–1953 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1995).

  16. See Chapter 5.

  17. General Omar N. Bradley, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, testimony before the Senate Committees on Armed Services and Foreign Relations, May 15, 1951, inMilitary Situation in the Far East, hearings, 82nd Cong., 1st sess., pt. 2, 732 (1951).

  18. See Peter Braestrup,Big Story: How the American Press and Television Reported and Interpreted the Crisis of Tet 1968 in Vietnam and Washington(Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1977); Robert Elegant, “How to Lose a War: The Press and Viet Nam,”Encounter (London), August 1981, 73–90; Guenter Lewy,America in Vietnam (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 272–79, 311–24.

  19. “An Interview with the President: The Jury Is Out,”Time, January 3, 1972.

  20. Richard Nixon, U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Building for Peace: A Report to the Congress, by Richard Nixon, President of the United States, February 25, 1971, 107. 直到这个时候，美国政府文件一直把中国称为“共产党中国”或泛称为北京或北平（国民党给这个城市的名称）当局。

  21. Richard Nixon, Remarks to Midwestern News Media Executives Attending a Briefing on Domestic Policy in Kansas City, Missouri, July 6, 1971, inPublic Papers of the Presidents, 805–6.

  22. See Kissinger,On China,chap. 9.

  23. Richard Nixon, Second Inaugural Address, January 20, 1973, inMy Fellow Americans,333.

  24. Richard Nixon,U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Building for Peace, 10.

  25. Richard Nixon,U.S. Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: A New Strategy for Peace,February 18, 1970, 9.

  26. Richard Nixon, U.S.Foreign Policy for the 1970’s: Shaping a Durable Peace,May 3, 1973, 232–33.

  27. Ronald Reagan, Farewell Address to the American People, January 11, 1989, inIn the Words of Ronald Reagan: The Wit, Wisdom, and Eternal Optimism of America’s 40th President,ed Michael Reagan (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2004), 34.

  28. Ronald Reagan,An American Life (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 592.

  29. Lou Cannon,President Reagan: The Role of a Lifetime (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1990), 792.

  30. Ronald Reagan, Address Before a Joint Session of Congress on the State of the Union, January 25, 1984, inThe Public Papers of President Ronald W. Reagan,Ronald Reagan Presidential Library.

  31. George H. W. Bush, Remarks to the Federal Assembly in Prague, Czechoslovakia, November 17, 1990, accessed online at Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, eds.,The American Presidency Project.

  32. Ibid.

  33. George H. W. Bush, Remarks at Maxwell Air Force Base War College, Montgomery, Alabama, April 13, 1991, in Michael D. Gambone,Small Wars: Low-Intensity Threats and the American Response Since Vietnam (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2012), 121.

  34. “Confronting the Challenges of a Broader World,” President Clinton Address to the UN General Assembly, New York City, September 27, 1993, inDepartment of State Dispatch 4, no. 39 (September 27, 1993).

  35. Ibid.

  36. George W. Bush, Presidential Address to a Joint Session of Congress, September 20, 2001, inWe Will Prevail: President George W. Bush on War, Terrorism, and Freedom (New York: Continuum, 2003), 13.

  37. George W. Bush, Presidential Address to the Nation, October 7, 2001, in ibid., 33.

  38. “Agreement on Provisional Arrangements in Afghanistan Pending the Re-establishment of Permanent Government Institutions,” December 5, 2001, UN peacemaker online archive.

  39. UN Security Council Resolution 1510 (October 2003).

  40. 的确有人透露，即便呼吁新政府注意性别敏感性，在波恩的起草者们还是得赞扬“阿富汗的圣战者……是圣战英雄（heroes）”。

  41. Winston Churchill,My Early Life (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1930), 134.

  42. See Chapter 2.

43.The National Security Strategy of the United States of America(2002).

  1. George W. Bush, Remarks by the President at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, United States Chamber of Commerce, Washington, D.C. (November 6, 2003).

  2. 1991年的联合国687号决议敦促停止第一次海湾战争的敌对行为，条件是伊拉克立即销毁储存的大规模杀伤性武器，并承诺永远不再发展此类武器。伊拉克没有遵守687号决议。早在1991年8月，安理会就宣布伊拉克“实质上违背了”自身义务。海湾战争之后数年中，安理会又通过了十多项决议，要求伊拉克完全遵守停火条款。安理会后来发现，萨达姆·侯赛因“1998年最终停止了与联合国武器检查特别委员会和国际原子能机构的所有合作”，赶走了停火协议要求它接待的联合国检查员。2002年11月，安理会通过了1441号决议，“谴责”伊拉克十年来拒不遵守协议，确定“伊拉克一直且仍然实质违背了有关决议规定的义务”。首席检查员汉斯·布利克斯并不是主战派，他于2003年1月向安理会提出报告，称巴格达没有解决突出的问题且态度前后不一。世界将长期讨论这场军事行动的意义，也将思考之后民主改造伊拉克时将采取的战略。不过，只要还是忽略多边背景，这场争论及其对将来违反国际不扩散原则行为的意义也将模糊不清。

  3. William J. Clinton, Statement on Signing the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, October 31, 1998.

  4. Remarks by the President at the 20th Anniversary of the National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, D.C., November 6, 2003.

  5. Peter Baker,Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House(New York: Doubleday, 2013), 542.

  6. Ibid., 523.

  7. George Shultz, “Power and Diplomacy in the 1980s,”Washington, D.C., April 3, 1984,Department of State Bulletin, vol. 84, no. 2086 (May 1984), 13.

第七章 “代表全人类行事”：美国及其秩序观第九章 技术、均衡与人的意识