早期宗教
对于最初的人类如何解读周围的世界及自身在其中的地位问题，我们迄今还一无所知。至于在洞穴中发现的艺术品及其他形式的艺术表现，比如著名的远古“维纳斯”雕像，我们至多能够从中了解到古人宗教表达的少许线索，这类线索的确非常难以解读。美国考古学家罗伯特·温克（Robert Wenke）对此类解读颇多怀疑，他曾这样说过：[55]
旧石器时代的艺术经常就成为“罗夏测试”（Rorschach test），也就是说现代观察家试图由此读懂原始人类的心灵和精神，但事实上他们由此了解到的更多的不是原始人，而是自己的心中所想。
相比之下，人类学有关离我们较近的采集狩猎社会的研究为我们提供了一些更为合理的解读模式，让我们可以由此想象我们的祖先是如何觉察和思考此类事情。正是基于这种人类学研究报告，我们认为远古的采集狩猎者觉得周围世界充满了精灵，而他们普遍愿意与之友好相处。这样的社会里可能有一些兼职的宗教专家，大概就是现代“巫师”或“萨满”（shamans）先驱。这类人往往精通群体心理和个性心理之道，常用宗教信仰和习俗来解释人们在日常生活中遭遇到的种种不确定性，因为此类不确定性根本无法用寻常手段加以解决。
在采集狩猎社会，这种不确定性包括生老病死、衣食不足以及作为捕食者的野兽和他者带来的危险。笔者曾精研秘鲁8,000年来的宗教与政治历程，故此用社会学概念“宗教需求”（religious needs）来描述这种面对无法用寻常手段解决的问题而产生的不确定感，由此便产生了一种通过宗教神启的方法加以解决的愿望。[56]准确地说，宗教需求并不限于采集狩猎社会，还是许多甚至迄今所有人类社会的一大共同特征。有些自古就有的不确定性——尤其是人类自身不可避免的复杂性最终解体的现象——至今犹在，但其他许多不确定性已经发生了变化。因此，人类史上的大多数宗教需求也彼此迥异。
因为采集狩猎社会规模都很小，所以大多数社会成员都信奉共同的宗教观，虽然自古就不乏怀疑者。然而，在这种据称团结紧密的群体中，大多数人的信仰自然会产生巨大的社会压力，要求所有成员去适应，而且几乎甚至完全不存在与此相异的观点。我在有关秘鲁的专著中，将这种迫使他人接受主流宗教信仰和习俗的做法称为“宗教约束”（religious constraints）。在我个人看来，宗教需求与宗教约束的格局同下述因素密切相关，即物质和能量的获取、当前的金凤花条件、万物求解的需求、如何保障人类自身的复杂性，虽然这样做有时会造成其他形式复杂实体的毁灭，包括其他人的生命或其拥有的财产。事实上，我们若追溯宗教世界观的源头，就会发现宗教总关乎万事万物的由来、如何保障人自身的福祉及对人死后的安排。[57]总之，经过400万年早期人类的进化，大约在1万年前后，人类在遗传基因的各个方面都已做好准备，为此后至今人类的全部作为铺平了道路。而在此之前，我们的祖先从未创造出大量且持久的复杂实体，也从未制造出大量且长久无以消除的废弃物。但从此以后，一切都变了，仅仅600代，人类凭借集体知识搅动了天翻地覆的巨变，集体知识也由此成为人类事物中的主导因素。
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推荐阅读书目
Allman, John Morgan. 1999. Evolving Brains. New York, W. H. Freeman & Co., Scientific American Library Series, No. 68.
Andel, Tjeerd H. van. 1994. New Views on an Old Planet: A History of Global Change. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (1985).
Cavalli-Sforza, Luigi Luca. 2000. Genes, Peoples, and Languages. New York, North Point Press.
Crosby, Alfred W. 2006. Children of the Sun: A History of Humanity’s Unappeasable Appetite for Energy. New York, W. W. Norton & Co.
Potts, Rick. 1996. Humanity’s Descent: The Consequences of Ecological Instability. New.York, William Morrow & Co.
Pyne, Stephen J. 2001. Fire: A Brief History. London, The British Museum Press.
Simmons, I. G. 1994. Changing the Face of the Earth: Culture, Environment, History. Oxford, Blackwell (1989).
Wolpoff, Milford & Caspari, Rachel. 1997. Race and Human Evolution: A Fatal Attraction. New York, Simon & Schuster.
[1] 本章使用的科学数据来自多种地质学、气候学、古人类学及考古学研究。
[2] 比较Tre.l (1997)。本章所述有关大脑的许多观察来自Allman (1999)。
[3] Chaisson (2001), p. 139.
[4] Magistretti, Pellerin & Martin (2000).
[5] Christian (2004)。这一观点并不完全新颖。亚历山大·冯·洪堡早已表述过类似想法 (1995, p. 80)；1960年，美国科学家里昂·斯普拉格·德·坎普（Lyon Sprague de Camp）谈到创新的速度时也提出了差不多完全一致的解释 (1993, p. 17)。
[6] 可参阅Potts (1996), pp. 181.。
[7] McNeill (1986), pp. 6-7.
[8] 有关生态位建设，可参阅Odling-Smee, Laland & Feldman (2003)。从科学的角度研究生态位建设可能始于查尔斯·达尔文1881年有关蚯蚓与地貌的研究。
[9] 可参阅White (1943 & 1959); Harris (1975, 1980 & 1997); Elias (1978); McNeill (1963 & 1991), pp. vii-xiii; Smil (1994); McNeill & McNeill (2003); Christian (2004); and Crosby (2006)。
[10] 转引自Cook (1976), p. xii。
[11] 从文化人类学视角审视人类如何权衡投入与效益的富有见地的研究，可参阅Smith (2000)。
[12] Simmons (1994), p. 30.
[13] Cook (1971), p. 136。这些数据最初的单位是千卡 /日 /人均。要将其转换成瓦 /千克，为简单起见，笔者假定整个人类史上的平均体重约为40千克（成人与儿童合计）。结果，库克的数据与瓦 /千克值完全相同。当然，所有这些数据都还只是初步估算，故此提醒读者谨慎使用。
[14] 查尔斯·达尔文1871年就已提出这一观点，参阅Darwin (2004), pp. 72-73。有关近期的研究文献，可参阅van Andel (1994), pp. 90-94; Gamble (1995), pp. 79-84; Tudge (1993 & 1996); Vrba (1993) and Vrba, Denton, Partridge & Burckle (1995). Thorpe, Holder & Crompton (2007)认为，直立行走最初可能源于类人猿试图站起身来从一个树枝跳到另外一个树枝上的举动，由此慢慢进化出来的。
[15] 可参阅Potts (1996), pp. 50.。
[16] Kortlandt (1972); 同时参阅Coppens (1994) and Kortlandt vs. Coppens (1994)。
[17] 参阅Potts (1996)。
[18] Kortlandt (1980).
[19] 比较Goudsblom (1990 & 1992) and Gamble (1995), pp. 66-70。
[20] 荷兰天文学家安东·潘涅库克（Anton Pannekoek，1953）可能是最早讨论工具制造与脑量增加之间回馈机制的学者，最初用荷兰文发表，参阅Pannekoek (1909)。
[21] Potts (1996), pp. 11-12.
[22] Potts (1996), p. 121.
[23] 1918年，荷兰解剖学家路易斯·博尔克在阿姆斯特丹大学的一次演讲中提出来“幼态持续”的概念，后以荷兰文及德文发表 (1918 & 1926)。可同时参阅Gould & Eldredge (1977), pp. 63-69, and (1993), and Vélez (1998, 2007, 2013)。
[24] Aiello & Wheeler (1995), pp. 199-221. See also Roebroeks (2007).
[25] 艾洛和惠勒曾使用“质量代谢率”（mass-speci.c metabolic rate）概念，其实与功率密度相同。他们由此计算出的大脑值略小于蔡森的15瓦 /千克功率密度值，但仍属同一幅度。
[26] Gershon (1998).
[27] Darwin (2004), p. 68.
[28] 有关在非洲和以色列学会控制和使用火的情况，可参阅Alperson-A.l (2008) ; 还可参阅Goudsblom (1992), pp. 16.., and Simmons (1994), pp. 38-39。
[29] Pyne (2001), p. 30.
[30] Niele (2005), pp. 29..
[31] 可参阅Gamble (1995), pp. 66-70; Goudsblom (1992); and Pyne (2001)。
[32] Goudsblom (1992), pp. 20..
[33] Reijnders (2006).
[34] Pyne (2001), pp. 24..
[35] 可参阅Gamble (1995); Simmons (1994), pp. 38-42; and Williams, Dunkerley, DeDeckker, Kershaw & Stokes (1993), pp. 190-221。
[36] 可比较McNeill (1963) and Harris (1975), pp. 164.。
[37] Reed, Smith, Hammond, Rogers & Clayton (2004)。身上的虱子可能是从头上的虱子进化而来。
[38] 可参阅Smith (2007)。
[39] Tre.l (1994), p. 11, and Barrow (1995), pp. 91..
[40] McNeill (1976), pp.15-33.
[41] Sherratt (1996 & 1997).
[42] Sherratt (1996), p. 133.
[43] 可参阅Potts (1996) and McBrearty & Brooks (2000)。
[44] De Vos (2004).
[45] Cavalli-Sforza (2000), pp. 93..
[46] 有关现代人类迁徙的理论总结，包括气候变迁在此过程中发生的重要作用，可参阅Mellars (2006); Burroughs (2006), pp. 109..; and Jones (2007)。
[47] Zeilinga de Boer & Sanders (2002), pp. 155-156.
[48] 有两位学术先驱强调美洲的迁徙是沿海岸展开的，即Fladmark (1979) and Gruhn (1988)。有关智利早期移民史的情况，可参阅Pringle (2007b) and Dillehay (1997)。
[49] Simmons (1994), p. 43.
[50] Simmons (1994), p. 44.
[51] 比较Pyne (2001)。
[52] 可参阅Simmons (1994), p. 37 and pp.74-75。有关更新世动物大量灭绝的说法并非没有争议。
[53] 可参阅Zeilinga de Boer & Sanders (2002 & 2005) and Fagan (2004)。
[54] Pringle (2007a); Firestone, West, Kennett et al. (2007); and Kennett, Kennett, West et al. (2009)。另可参阅van der Hammen & van Geel (2008)。
[55] Wenke & Olszewski (2007), p. 172.
[56] Spier (1994).
[57] 笔者从社会学视角研究宗教坚持如下观点，即社会学并非要决断哪种世界观或宗教为真，而其他的均为假。凭我对科学的理解，此类真假问题并非学术界能够决定的，因为使用科学方法，我们至今仍未能证实或证伪超自然力的存在或不存在。不过，学者们能够做到的，是观察人们表达了什么样的宗教世界观并从事什么类型的宗教实践。笔者曾对秘鲁整个历史上的宗教与政治以宗教需求和宗教约束为经纬加以详细阐释，可参阅Spier (1994, 1996)。有关从大历史视角阐释人类史上宗教问题的著述，可参阅Bellah (2011)。
